Browsing by Author "Kaushiki, Nishtha"

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1951 Refugee Convention and its Protocol: Imperatives to Indian Perspective.
(IMPACT, 2018) Noushadali, K; Kaushiki, Nishtha
Being not a signatory to the notable International legal provisions passed for the betterment of refugees such as the United Nations Convention (1951) and protocol (1967), the Indian approach towards the refugees is worthy to do researches. It is for this reason that India responds sympathetically towards its refugee population following the principles of humanitarian considerations. Further, it is interesting to see that the Indian constitution is assuring some definite fundamental freedom to all without discriminating citizens and non-citizens. In order to preserve the fundamental freedoms of the foreigners and of course refugees (non-citizens), the Indian government had given them judicial backup too. This paper is an attempt to look at the importance of the International refugee conventions for the holistic betterment of the global refugee population. Further, the paper outlines the Indian perspectives on the global refugee laws and conventions. It also emphasizes that the Indian constitution and judiciary plays an important role in accommodating refugees, in relation to its political others, as well as ethnic affinities.
Asia Pivot and the Security Dilemma: Strategic Imperatives for India
(International Conference on Law and Political Science, National Law University, Delhi, 2014) Kaushiki, Nishtha
Challenges for India's Strategic Manoeuvring in Asia
(International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research, 2013) Kaushiki, Nishtha
Challenges to India's Energy Security
(EPRA Journals, 2013) Kaushiki, Nishtha
The China factor in Indo- Japan strategic relations
(Routledge, 2017) Kaushiki, Nishtha; Ramzan, Hilal
China-pakistan strategic relationship : Implication for south asia
(Central University of Punjab, 2014) Naiko, Ghulam Mohiudin; Kaushiki, Nishtha
Strategic relations between the two countries were established in 1972. Ever since then the two countries have given to each other the much required political and diplomatic support on various issues like, Kashmir, Tibet, Taiwan and Xinjiang, etc. In this study, an attempt has been made to first analyse the rationale behind the Sino-Pak relationship. How and why India is a major factor in their bilateral relations has been probed into. The study discusses the scope of their strategic relationship. The next section of this research includes the implications of their strategic relations on South Asia and particular emphasis has been placed on India. It has been analysed how strategic relation between the countries work for tying down India to South Asia?. The second part of the dissertation has dealt with the recent geopolitical shifts in the region that have further cemented their bilateral relationship, such as Indo-US nuclear deal and a ten year defense pact; Asia pivot etc. It has brought to surface the shifting Asian balance of power and how the Sino-Pak strategic relations affect India. Finally, the study is an attempt to recommend some policy measures for India that it can adopt for neutralising the affects of their strategic partnership on its foreign policy and larger strategic goals.
Contextualising Chinese Strategic Foresight in International Relations: Examining ' One Belt One Road Policy'
(ABS Books, 2017) Kaushiki, Nishtha; Mohiuddin, Ghulam; Ramzan, Hilal; Kaur, Manpreet
Gender Issue in Education: A Social- Realistic Perspective
(Bloomsbury, 2017) Kaur, Manpreet; Kaushiki, Nishtha
The Geopolitics Of Peace Process: A Case Study Of Post 9/11 Afghanistan
(Central University of Punjab, 2018) Ul-Haq, Hafiz Mohammad Ikram; Kaushiki, Nishtha
Peace talks are indefinable for decades. For one reason or another, Afghanistan has, since long, been a center of power politics between the two superpowers followed by a civil war. Later, it emerged as a battlefield for 'war on terror' and insurgency movements. After the Withdrawal of Russia in 1994, Taliban took over the government and run the administration of Afghanistan. Taliban Leader Mullah Omar known as the Khalifa of the State. Many Islamic Organizations of the world are supporting Taliban and Al-Qaeda also in Afghanistan. After, the 9/11 attacks in the United States, Washington responded militarily while launching attacks on Afghanistan with the support of Pakistan. The aim of USA is to fight against terrorism especially against Usama-bin-laden, and his organization Al-Qaeda, because of being the mastermind of 9/11 attacks. Afghanistan government was established through Boon Agreement in 2001. At the time of this accord, it was hoped that the rapid growth of the Taliban regime and the installation of a broad-based internationally backed administration would bring an end to large-scale conflict in Afghanistan. The accord has made reference to the idea of peaceful co-existence, and the political roadmap outline includes measures with the significant potential to further peace process. Afghan Peace talks started after the toppling down of the Taliban v government in December 2001. The aim of the peace process in Afghanistan has been the restoring of stability in the country and the establishment of a democratically elected government. The intervention of external players in Afghanistan is a big challenge to peace and stability in the region. Afghanistan is one of the unsuccessful states of the world that is known for foreign invasions or armies crossing its border to fulfil their personal and national Interest. In the 19th and 20th century Afghanistan remained a potential field and center of attention for the great game between Russia and the British Empire, for enhancing their influence in central and south Asia. Nonetheless, Afghanistan has been called as the graveyard of Empires. Apart from US, the interested parties in Afghanistan are also the regional powers like China, Russia, Pakistan, India and Iran. Therefore, in the process, the role of the US, China, Russia, India and Pakistan in the Afghan Peace Process have been discussed. There has never been a strong central or elected government in Afghanistan whose writ could be uniformly present in all parts of the country. So, neighbors exploit the situation to their own advantage and send their proxy wars to Afghanistan. Be it the rivalry between British-India and Soviet Union, United States and Soviet Union in the past, or Pakistan-India rivalry at present or a new great game. All regional powers are struggling to use Afghanistan as a battleground to settle their scores against each other. Pakistan and USA are the main External players interfering in this country. Pakistan provided a space to Americans in their fight against the Al-Qaida and Taliban. The only way in the peace in Afghanistan, as realized by the interesting parties except India is how to bring Taliban on the negotiating table and sort out issues by reaching a consensus. However, Taliban have many Demands, and the major demand is to implement the Islamic Sharia Law in the State. Therefore, the last chapter deals with this.
The Great Rebalancing: Undia In the Changing Security Architecture of Asia
(India at the Crossroads- The way ahead, 2014) Kaushiki, Nishtha
Humanitarian Intervention and Iraq crisis: A Breach of International law
(Central University of Punjab, 2018) Gopal, Neerudi; Kaushiki, Nishtha
The dissertation is critically addressed the legality of armed intervention by the United States, in Iraq (2003). The government of the US has been defend her actions on the base of resolutions passed by United Nation General Assembly. This dissertation also investigates uses of force that lack a clear legal authority. Cause of intervention the Humanitarian intervention in the Iraq which has taken place due to mainly 9/11 attacks allegation over the Iraq and second major cause of Iraq crisis was that developing Weapons of mass destruction and suppling the Biological and Chemical weapons to the al Qaeda these are the main allegations over the Iraq. As a result Washington has been decided to fight on Global terrorism as in that process US had to intervene in the Iraq. It then explores the issue of legitimate, that is, justifiable, uses of force as part of the decentralized system of international law enforcement. The issue that is discussed considers whether an 'illegal' opposition force can in fact have some legitimacy. That is, can a use of force be justified even though it stretches the boundaries of international law, v in particular an enabling United Nation Security Council Resolution. The legitimacy of this doctrine is evaluated through its positive and negative aspects. This thesis considers the aforementioned issues both in general terms, and with respect to UN Resolutions against Iraq. The evaluation of these studies adds to and detracts from the legitimacy of armed intervention. Finally, my dissertation makes various suggestions for reform of UNSC system with respect to a number of the difficulties it identifies with the practice of decentralized law enforcement.
India's Foreign Policy for south and central asia post 9/11: Embrassing strategic realism
(Central University of Kerala, 2013) Kaushiki, Nishtha
Indo-russian defence cooperation, 1991-2011
(Central University of Punjab, 2013) Mubarik, Mudasir; Kaushiki, Nishtha
The purpose of the present study is to meticulously trace the origin and subsequent strengthening of the Indo-Russian defence ties that finally culminated into the formation of Indo-Russian joint ventures with the deal on BrahMos missile. The year 1991 has been specifically chosen because it marked the end of the cold war and the disintegration of the Soviet Union. The study first brings to the surface the fact that in British India, the country was highly dependent upon the British weapons and ammunitions. Thus, the possible role of other countries in the Indian defence market was completely ruled out. India gained its independence in 1947 which coincided with the beginning of the Cold War period. The study then moves to explore the cold war conditions under which India developed strategic relations with Russia. Bilateral relations between the two countries were established on 1950's. It was due to the cold war conditions coupled with India's adoption of a mixed economic system and a planned economy that brought the two nations closer to each other. Bilateral relations since the very inception were focused on the defence trade and because of this reason the relations soon culminated into strategic one. In the due course of the Cold War, as the U.S. role in the South Asian affairs tilted heavily in favour of Pakistan, Russia saw it as an opportunity for its defence sector and also for itself to expand its sphere of influence in the South Asian region. Since then the arms have been imported from Russia. v From 1960 to 1990 India imported conventional arms and ammunitions worth U.S. $ ten to fifteen billion with some of the major arms being transferred as MiG, AN-12, MI- 4 and other arms. The depth of Indo-Russian strategic relations was at its peak in the 1971 India Pakistan war when the two nations signed the treaty of friendship. Though the study analyses the defence deals made by the two countries in a great depth, it also examines the individual role of the leadership of both the countries in taking the relationship ahead. Stalin was apprehensive about India's role in the region during the cold war and it was labeled as 'pro-capitalist'. A favorable shift in the policy towards India was seen during the reign of Khrushchev. Relations under the Indian leadership of Nehru gained an impetus. The problems that have been faced by the Indian defence sector are delays in the delivery of the consignments, high prices of the Russian imports as compared to the earlier Soviet arms supplies, Russian arms being less competitive than their western counterparts etc. All these issues pose a serious challenge for India. In 2000 India decided to diversify its sources of arms. With this, Israel, Germany, U.S. and other European nations were being viewed as potential partners. It was during this phase that Russia also sought new partners for itself and it forged new relationships with China and Pakistan. Thus, both the countries shifted their attention from each other and focused primarily on the market forces that played its role in the defence sector. India, however, could not do away with Russian technology for its defence equipments because of its past imports- finding a partner country for spare parts would have been tough. Thus, we see that despite India's quest for new relationships in the defence sector, the Indian army's arms and ammunitions is largely Russian dominated. After tracing the historical roots of the defence relations of the two nations, the study then moves to analyze joint ventures in the defence sector-yet another important aspect of the defence bilateral relations of the two countries. Agreements for the joint ventures were materialized in 1998 whereby both the nations agreed on brahmos co production. This agreement initiated a new chapter for the Indo-Russian defence cooperation. vi The study concludes with a brief summary of the dissertation and recommends that India should engage with Russia without deviating from current programs with other suppliers. Russia should manufacture the competitive arms and deliver to India at reasonable prices and on time. India and Russia should focus on long run military contracts to maintain the time tested friendship.
New Dimensions of Indo- Japan Strategic Relations: Scope and Challnges
(international journal of business management & social sciences (ijbmss), 2013) Kaushiki, Nishtha
The New Great Game and Undia's Connect Central Asia Policy: Straigic Perspective and Challenges
(Institute of International Affairs, Graduate School of International Studies, Seoul National University, 2013) Kaushiki, Nishtha
Obama's asia pivot policy : Implications for south asia
(Central University of Punjab, 2014) Ramzan, Hilal; Kaushiki, Nishtha
One of the hallmarks of US President Barrack Obama's foreign policy is the 'pivot to Asia'. This policy is aimed at rebalancing US defence policies towards Asia. The Obama administration has rearticulated its policy away from the Middle East toward the Asia-Pacific. The focus of this research is on the strategic aspect of the policy. Under this rebalancing strategy, Washington, aims to increase its naval presence from the current 50/50 split between Atlantic and Asia-pacific to 40/60 respectively by 2020. Further, the geographical scope of the Asia-Pacific has been defined as 'stretching from the Indian subcontinent to the western shores of the America's, the region spans two oceans, the Pacific and the Indian oceans that are increasingly linked by shipping and strategy. As India has been termed as a 'linchpin' of this policy; it is going to be more affected. This research is a humble attempt to analyze the consequences of the Pivot on South Asian countries, with special focus on India. The first section of the dissertation discusses the rise of China and US's relative decline in order to explain the background of the pivot. It then moves on to discuss the changing geopolitical shifts in the Asian balance of power. This part sets to explain how the US and Chinese competing interests have changed the security architecture of Asia and how South Asian countries, particularly India is going to deal with it. Finally, the study would attempt to recommend some measures that India could adopt and benefit from the geopolitical opportunity from the emerging competition between US and China.
POST 9/11 SINO-RUSSO ENTENTE: RESHAPING THE ASIAN SECURITY DYNAMICS AND CHALLENGES FOR INDIA
(Central University of Punjab, 2019) Ramzan, Hilal; Kaushiki, Nishtha
China and Russia belongs to the group of major players of the international system. The strategic convergence between the two countries occupies a considerable geopolitical weight. The Sino-Russian relations witnessed a dramatic change after the demise of the Soviet Union. The bilateral relations since then have witnessed a positive trend i.e., from being adversaries to strategic partners. To a large extent, both the countries seem to have overcome the problems that used to hamper their relations. Although, it was predicted that the Sino-Russo strategic partnership is full of challenges and is not going to last long, however, the two sides have been successful in sustaining their partnership so far in the 21st century. In fact, their strategic entente is becoming stronger day by day and the main reason behind this is that they are focussing more on converging interests. The U.S. factor plays a key role in the mounting Beijing-Moscow entente. The ‘Asia Pivot’ policy and the Ukraine crisis further boosted their bilateral relations. While responding to the U.S. hegemonic designs and unilateralism, both China and Russia found themselves on the same page. Therefore, the two sides have been countering Washington’s strategic designs both individually as well as jointly. Furthermore, the two powers have used the vacuum created by the U.S. involvement in the long-drawn Afghan and Iraq wars to enhance their strategic outreach. America’s relative decline has made their path of countering the U.S. hegemony easy. Both the sides in the current security scenario have been engaging the United States on two fronts i.e., Russia in Eastern Europe and the Middle East and China in the South China Sea. Initially, Pentagon was not taking any serious note of the China-Russia strategic partnership, however, since the past few years it has started to view the rising Moscow-Beijing strategic proximity with grave concern. In fact, the Trump administration in its recently published security strategies has vowed to take serious note of the Sino-Russian strategic designs which are undermining the U.S primacy in the world. All these developments are changing the security scenario of Asia, thereby resulting in the emergence of great-power competition. India being situated in such a geopolitical position can no longer remain aloof from these developments. The changing security dynamics has unfolded a plethora of challenges for India. While responding to these developments, India in one or the other way is showing its tilt towards the United States and its allies and strategic partners in the subcontinent. iv It is perhaps in this backdrop that Russia has made revisions in its Pakistan policy by showing positive overtures towards the latter. Furthermore, India seems to be losing its time-tested friend Russia to its arch-rival China in the changing geopolitical realities as Moscow-Beijing partnership has become much more than the ‘axis of convenience’. In fact, it has become difficult for New Delhi to balance its relations between Russia and the United States. Although, New Delhi has been successful so far in walking the tight rope quite well, however, it is becoming more challenging for it to maintain its strategic autonomy. While looking at the developments these challenges are going to become more intense for India in the years to come. Keeping these developments in view, this work analysed the strategic proximity between Beijing and Moscow with special focus on its current status. Secondly, the U.S. factor in the mounting Sino-Russian strategic embrace, and how this partnership is undermining the U.S. predominance in Asia, has been analysed. Finally, the challenges that this emerging great-power rivalry has unfolded for India and its response to the changing geo-political realities have been analysed.
POST 9/11 TRIANGULAR DYNAMICS OF USPAKISTAN AND CHINA: A STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVE
(Central University of Punjab, 2018) Naikoo, Ghulam Mohi Din; Kaushiki, Nishtha
reinvention of Indo- japan Strategic ties: The China Factor .
(2014) Kaushiki, Nishtha
The Road to Syrian Crisis: A Geostrategic Perspective
(International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research, 2013) Kaushiki, Nishtha