School Of Global Relations

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    Emerging Security Architecture in the Indo- Pacific Region: A Study from Indian Perspective
    (Central University of Punjab, 2020) Kumar, Shiv; Verma, Sudheer Singh
    The evolving Indo-Pacific Regional Security Architecture (IP-RSA) is the recent security phenomenon in the Asian continent. In fact, the Indo-Pacific region is a centre of the Asian security framework, primarily due to the changing power politics and the strategic tilt of major great powers from Trans-Atlantic to IndoPacific region. There are several geostrategic and geopolitical factors responsible behind the construction of the IP-RSA such as the US ‘Asia Pivot’ policy, China’s ‘String of Pearls’ policy and One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative. Similarly, nontraditional security components like, narco-terrorism, human-trafficking, sea piracy, climate change and international terrorism are also deciding factors behind the construction of the IP-RSA. The study has used the qualitative research methodology to interpret the evolving Indo-Pacific regional security phenomenon in the region. It used the analytical method to investigate the emerging new regional security dynamics in the region. The sub-structural interview technique has been used in the research to find out the deep investigations on new regional security phenomenon and its maritime security impacts on India. In this background, the study has used the existing paradigm such as Barry Buzan and Ole Weaver’s four theoretical levels of the theory of Regional Security Complex (RSC) to interpret the enhancing Indo-Pacific Regional Security Complex (IP-RSC) in the Indo-Pacific region. It has investigated such socio-cultural, economic, political and geostrategic components of the enhancing IP-RSA. Further, limitations of the enhancing IP-RSA like, religious and ethnic diversity; lack of grand economic mechanism; geographical location and absence of leading player are also scrutinized in the future perspective. However, the study has examined the Impacts of enhancing IP-RSA on India’s maritime security in the iv IOR. In this response, India has adopted the bottom-up approach to increase its regionalism process in the Indo-Pacific region. Further, the new geopolitical and geostrategic dynamics increased India’s maritime security concerns in the IndoPacific Maritime New Great Game (IP-MNGG). Consequently, New Delhi is responding new regional security phenomenon through strengthening its geopolitical and geostrategic position especially in the IOR. The major projects and initiatives in its foreign policy such as ‘Sagar Mala’ project, ‘Act East Policy’ SAGC, AAGC and modernisation of Indian navy are part of its wider strategy against the new maritime security threats in the IOR. Hence, the region is not remained a peaceful zone due to new power dynamics in the region. The study has come-up with possible recommendations and appropriate investigation that Indo-Pacific region is not India’s desired region, but it is an India’s necessity to secure its long-time maritime security interests in the wider sphere of Indo-Pacific region. It will decide India’s future destiny in the Asian continent. Therefore, the study concludes with the new possibilities and investigations about evolving IP-RSA and its impacts on India's maritime security in the greater IOR.
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    LOCATING RUSSIA IN THE EMERGING GEOPOLITICS OF CENTRAL ASIA: MAPPING INDIA’S OPTIONS
    (Central University of Punjab, 2019) Mubarik, Mudasir; Singh, Bawa
    Russia’s relationship with the Central Asian region has been established since the recorded history. The former had colonized the region and established its exclusive control for more than 200 years. India on the other hand, had been sharing long historical and civilizational bonds with the region as it has been falling on the old Silk Route. However, the collapse of the Soviet Union (1991) and the subsequent emergence of Central Asian countries as sovereign states led to a saga of drastic changes in the geopolitical milieu of the region. Russia had lost its superpower status, as it had been entrapped in political, economic and security conundrum. Consequently, Russia had altogether ignored the CARs and drifted towards the West and supranational institutions to restore its state machinery. Thus, the former had adopted a passive approach towards the latter in response to the Euro-Atlantic tilt that had drastically impacted the bilateral and regional engagements. On the other hand, India’s engagements with Russia and the Central Asia had undergone a paradigmatic shift. In this milieu, power vacuum was created in Eurasia that led to New Great Game in the region, which again obligated both Russia and India to engage with the Central Asian region given their multifaceted interests at stake. Given the geopolitical, geostrategic and geo-economic significance of the Central Asia as well as the power vacuum left by the Soviet retreat, enticed the major powers and regional actors towards this region. Indeed, the interests of the US, China, Turkey, Iran, India, and Pakistan, have been counterpoising with each other to enhance their respective influence. The battle for gaining their multifaceted interests has turned the region into a strategic fulcrum, wherein China has been increasingly strengthening its geopolitical, geostrategic and geo-economic leverages and thereby, challenging the US, Russia and India in the region. Unlike China, the US has been also consistently trying to restrict the multifaceted interests of Russia and rising influence of China. On the other hand, Russia has been considering the region as its backyard and an area of privileged interests. Furthermore, the regional countries like Iran, Turkey, and Pakistan have been playing their cards to enhance their respective footprints in the Central Asian region. To protect and promote their respective multifaceted interests, the regional actors have also been taking sides with the major stakeholders. In the changing geopolitical dynamics, the time-tested friends India and Russia, have realized their reciprocal interests to rejuvenate their ties both at bilateral and at regional levels. For India-Russia relationship, the regional developments present the compatibility of mutual interests, particularly in Central Asia. Simultaneously, Indian strategic maneuvering has been taken by other way around by Russia. It creates a v peculiar situation between India and Russia in the Central Asia. Moreover, the growing strategic proximity between Russia and China and in recent times with Pakistan has been poising a significant challenge for India in the region. In this background, the present study, therefore, examines changing relationship between Russia and CARs in the post-Cold War era. It also evaluates the multifaceted interests of the US, China, Iran, Turkey, Pakistan and India in the region and how Russia has been reciprocating their strategic maneuvers has also been examined. Moreover, given Russia’s leading geostrategic leverage in the CARs, it becomes more interesting to see, how IndiaRussia relationship has been going in general and in context of Central Asia in particular. Furthermore, the study examines about how Russia acts as a bridge between India and Central Asia. At last, it is difficult to say with certainty that either it is only lack of political willingness or geopolitics of the region which is responsible for the low level of engagements amongst Russia, Central Asia and India. At this juncture, it is argued that lack of regional connectivity is the major challenge of the low level of engagements. Moreover, the existing lack of political will as well as the rising geopolitics of the region could be held responsible for the same. In order to come out of this quagmire, the three regions needed to come together on one platform geopolitically, geo-economically and geo-strategically. The three might potentially turn the regional geopolitical conundrum in their favor, which may become one of the most gigantic economic zones by exploiting the untapped sea of opportunities. In this way, a new world order would be created that may be more suitable for promoting regional peace, harmony and development which has been a prerequisite for safeguarding their multifaceted geostrategic interest in the region.
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    Socio-Psychological Problems of Working Women in Service Sector: Field Study of Mansa and Sri Muktsar Sahib Districts of Punjab
    (Central University of Punjab, 2019) Kaur, Manpreet; Kaushiki, Nishtha
    The growth and progress of any society is not possible without the equal participation of women in familial, social and economic activities. In developing countries, like India, women are playing traditional roles and dependent upon their spouses for their economic necessity. By getting the higher education they are coming out and participating in the world of professions. Theyare participating in organized or service sectors. In the present research work, problems of working women in familial, social, psychological, and economical spheres have been identified through primary data collection. To identify their social-psychological problems in service sector, primary data have been collected from women, who are working in education, health and banking sectors. Data have been collected from working women from two districts Mansa and Sri Muktsar Sahib of Punjab, through the medium of well-structured interview schedule and questionnaire. Results of the primary work revealed that working women from these two districts are facing socio-psychological problems while balancing the dual (work and family) life. Their problems are the result of the dual expectations (one side by family and other side by office sphere) and dual responsibilities. At some point of their life, they faced a disturbed, stressful mental and physical status. Unmarried Working women are playing the role of financial supporter for their families.Working vi mothers are facing childcare issues. They felt bad for avoiding families for work and avoiding work assignment due to family responsibilities. By getting proper cooperation from family and colleagues working women can easily avoid the sociopsychological stresses.
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    POST 9/11 SINO-RUSSO ENTENTE: RESHAPING THE ASIAN SECURITY DYNAMICS AND CHALLENGES FOR INDIA
    (Central University of Punjab, 2019) Ramzan, Hilal; Kaushiki, Nishtha
    China and Russia belongs to the group of major players of the international system. The strategic convergence between the two countries occupies a considerable geopolitical weight. The Sino-Russian relations witnessed a dramatic change after the demise of the Soviet Union. The bilateral relations since then have witnessed a positive trend i.e., from being adversaries to strategic partners. To a large extent, both the countries seem to have overcome the problems that used to hamper their relations. Although, it was predicted that the Sino-Russo strategic partnership is full of challenges and is not going to last long, however, the two sides have been successful in sustaining their partnership so far in the 21st century. In fact, their strategic entente is becoming stronger day by day and the main reason behind this is that they are focussing more on converging interests. The U.S. factor plays a key role in the mounting Beijing-Moscow entente. The ‘Asia Pivot’ policy and the Ukraine crisis further boosted their bilateral relations. While responding to the U.S. hegemonic designs and unilateralism, both China and Russia found themselves on the same page. Therefore, the two sides have been countering Washington’s strategic designs both individually as well as jointly. Furthermore, the two powers have used the vacuum created by the U.S. involvement in the long-drawn Afghan and Iraq wars to enhance their strategic outreach. America’s relative decline has made their path of countering the U.S. hegemony easy. Both the sides in the current security scenario have been engaging the United States on two fronts i.e., Russia in Eastern Europe and the Middle East and China in the South China Sea. Initially, Pentagon was not taking any serious note of the China-Russia strategic partnership, however, since the past few years it has started to view the rising Moscow-Beijing strategic proximity with grave concern. In fact, the Trump administration in its recently published security strategies has vowed to take serious note of the Sino-Russian strategic designs which are undermining the U.S primacy in the world. All these developments are changing the security scenario of Asia, thereby resulting in the emergence of great-power competition. India being situated in such a geopolitical position can no longer remain aloof from these developments. The changing security dynamics has unfolded a plethora of challenges for India. While responding to these developments, India in one or the other way is showing its tilt towards the United States and its allies and strategic partners in the subcontinent. iv It is perhaps in this backdrop that Russia has made revisions in its Pakistan policy by showing positive overtures towards the latter. Furthermore, India seems to be losing its time-tested friend Russia to its arch-rival China in the changing geopolitical realities as Moscow-Beijing partnership has become much more than the ‘axis of convenience’. In fact, it has become difficult for New Delhi to balance its relations between Russia and the United States. Although, New Delhi has been successful so far in walking the tight rope quite well, however, it is becoming more challenging for it to maintain its strategic autonomy. While looking at the developments these challenges are going to become more intense for India in the years to come. Keeping these developments in view, this work analysed the strategic proximity between Beijing and Moscow with special focus on its current status. Secondly, the U.S. factor in the mounting Sino-Russian strategic embrace, and how this partnership is undermining the U.S. predominance in Asia, has been analysed. Finally, the challenges that this emerging great-power rivalry has unfolded for India and its response to the changing geo-political realities have been analysed.
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    Eurasia in India‘s Energy Diplomacy: Exploring the Emerging Equations in the 21st Century
    (Central University of Punjab, 2019) Singh, Sandeep; Singh, Bawa
    Energy is considered as a geopolitical commodity of political leverage/vulnerability. Also, it has been considered as a major part of diplomacy of every individual country, promoting economic prosperity or political stability. In context of Eurasia, which is known for its great amount of energy resources in the world, has become fundamentally one of the most important and geopolitical determinant of external power‘s engagements. The study argues that recent geo-economic-political developments in post-2013, and ups-downs (Russian-Ukraine Gas Wars in 2006 and 2009, diversifications of Eurasian energy supplies especially gas, and threatening relations between Europe and Russia etc.) in the Eurasian region have been posing geo-economic and geopolitical challenges to many states within the region. The Energy producers in the Eurasian region particularly Russia and CARs have started moving from the west to the East for energy supply. In addition, Asian demand for energy resources have been diversified particularly India and China are becoming big energy consumers. These changes have brought some of the serious and complex issues before India‘s domestic and foreign policies. It is also seen as a window of opportunities and possibilities of complementarities on the other hand. India as a major energy importer and it's manufacturing-oriented programmes are likely to fasten its energy demands, and Eurasia can provide an incredible opportunity to meet its energy requirements in this connection. Therefore, an attempt has been made to provide a transcontinental study of Eurasian energy as a thrust area for the present research positioning Eurasian region in Indian energy diplomacy, and determining the contours of energy diplomacy. Although, there are many researches about India‘s policy towards the Eurasian region, and few of them focussed on energy trade, and trade in other goods including political relations. But, how energy is a significant factor in India‘s diplomacy towards the Eurasian region in the present geopolitical realities has not been thoroughly investigated. In this backdrop, the present research has been approached by setting three onjectives. Fisrtly, it investigates India‘s position in the changing global energy scenario. To achieve the objective, the study exmines India‘s domestic energy policy and finds that India‘s future of domestic energy production remains clouded given the underinvestment, outdated infrastructure and under-explored basins of the country. It iv leads India to import energy. Secondly, the study has uncovered India‘s diplomatic engagements with the Eurasian region by the way of mapping its quest for energy. It concludes that India‘s energy diplomacy has a wider scope in the Eurasian region to enhance regional integration provided that the same should properly be undertaken by the stakeholder. The third objective investigates India geopolitical space in the Eurasian region. It concludes that the growing role of energy complex zone and transit countries have challenged great powers hierarchy in the region and shaped the new energy geopolitical order. The study explores that how India would create its geopolitical space in the new energeopolitical order. Thus, the research is seen as a contribution to uncover India‘s growing diplomatic space in Eurasian geopolitics from different perspectives by offering different analytical and theoretical insights from the previous studies.
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    Role of the Fourth Estate in Shaping Public Opinion: A Comparative Analysis of Print Media Representations on Militancy in Punjab, 1980-1984
    (Central University of Punjab, 2018) Bassi, Dinesh; Verma, Sudheer Singh
    Media plays a significant role in creating, moulding, rupturing and reflecting public opinion in democratic society. It is known as political in nature, and diverse players easily use it for advancing their interests. It has the potency to form an opinion as well to de-form it. It could be a vehicle of divisive politics as much as it can integrate and unite. It provides an exclusive stage to individual and groups to discuss issues of mutual interests, which in turn forms an opinion is important to society and in particular to political community. Media cannot only initiate a peace process and sustain it but also it can also instigate violence society. So media, as an independent entity provides a discursive space to opinion formation through allowing discourses among people and shapes the emotions of public may be through introducing partial information. English and Vernacular newspapers published from Punjab state such as Rojana Ajit - a Punjabi daily, Punjab Kesri – a Hindi daily and The Tribune - an English daily along with English newspapers published from New Delhi, capital of India, which having national footprints like The Times of India and The Hindustan Times have been selected for the study aimed at understanding and analysing a representation of the print media of the militancy problem in the state. The study has attempted to understand and analyse a labelling process of the print media of the v happened incidents and how much the print media was sensitive during reporting the problem and presenting diverse opinions related to the problem. The study has found the diverse role of newspapers in the representations of the incidents perpetuated by the militancy during 1980-1984. The objective of the news, the editorials and the articles published by these newspapers were not just to deliver the information but also to form an influence over the related community with favourable contents along with reaping more profits through more number of copies of the newspapers circulation. In addition, the study has done field survey of Majha, Malwa and Doaba regions of Punjab aimed at collecting information and opinions related to the problem from people whose were part of it directly or indirectly. The field study has found that various communities such as Sikhs, Hindus, Muslim, and Christian were divided ideologically. The division among communities was largely formed by the print media’s presentation of information in the forms of news, opinion, etc. related to the militancy problem in Punjab. The study has found that print media was caught in conflicting discourses in representation of militancy incidents occurred during the period. The print media has labelled the occurred violence and people involved in it according their matching ideology. The news based on the affiliated ideology of the media group has resulted into the form of the fractured public sphere. Furthermore, the comparative analysis of selective incidents represented by different newspapers endorses the diverse role of print media in context of militancy problem in Punjab. For instance, the incidents of the murder of two prominent journalists and a religious chief had representationally lost its significance due to the deviation among the print media. As, a newspaper editor has clearly criticised the role of the print media from Punjab state for distorting the facts in the news representation specifically for the business purposes. Thus, the study argues that the set positions of the various newspapers deeply affected public opinion and promoted divided media-scape as well where realities were something different but maintained accordingly.
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    China in the Indian Ocean: Navigating India’s Challenges and Reciprocation
    (Central University of Punjab, 2018) Lone, Mansoor Ahmad; Singh, Bawa
    The Indian Ocean has remained a strategic maritime space since ages, serving as an important link among various regions of the globe regarding trade, social contacts, and cultural exchanges. The region was mostly peaceful during the pre-Vasco da Gama era, but the advent of Europeans set the stage for tough competition characterized by loot, plunder, and even wars. This foul environment kept on thriving and had prevailed till the end of the Second World War. Thereafter, the region appeared in a new refashioned scene where the USA emerged as a sole superpower of the world immediately after the collapse of its rival and competitor-USSR in 1991. The next dramatic turn arrived by the end of 20th century when the two Asian giants China and India, appeared on the global scene with swift growing economies, advancement in scientific knowledge and skilled workforce. With the onset of the 21st century, the IOR witnessed the growing attention of these big powers especially China and the USA along with the regional power India, with increasing competition because of the growing geopolitical and geo-economic significance of the region. Since the economy of these countries became heavily dependent on the energy imports mainly arriving from the Middle East and Africa and carried away through the Sea Lanes of Communications spanning the Indian Ocean from west to east, the security and safe arrival of these imports through the Indian Ocean has been treated as a chief necessity if the economy is to survive, sustain and grow. Further, the regions vast reserves of natural resource wealth both living and non-living further attracted the attention of these countries towards the region. This resulted in the ever-increasing involvement of these powers in the region. China iv having geographical constraints to easily access the Indian Ocean, started to wean India’s neighbours to make its foothold strong in the region while the USA directly joined hands with India to contain China’s expansion in the region. China expedited the process of securing greater cooperation with the littoral nations of the region, secured a goodwill place by employing different tools of maritime strategy like big investments for developing the infrastructure of these countries, increase in trade, political and diplomatic engagements, and military exchanges. China has been developing and operating many ports in the Indian Ocean countries like in Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Myanmar, Maldives, Seychelles, Djibouti, Tanzania, Kenya. It is this increasing involvement of China where India finds herself at odds in some security perspectives. The study is an attempt to analyze the dynamics of Chinese involvement in the IOR, the possible concerns for India and India’s preparedness in response to such moves of China.
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    Human Trafficking and Its Consequences: South Asian Experiences through Indian Punjab
    (Central University of Punjab, 2018) Kumar, Kovid; Verma, Sudheer Singh
    Trafficking in any form whether humans or drugs and arms is an alarming form of transnational organised crime. It is considered to be one of the severe problems of the contemporary world. Human trafficking is the fastest-growing criminal activity in the twenty-first century. Each year thousands of women, men and children are trafficked to use for forced labour, sexual exploitation, beggars, forced marriage, drugs and arms smuggling etc. All the activities comes under the process of illegal migration, which is supported by illegal networks. These networks are very strong and wide. The networks are continuing to desolate the world’s society as well as economies. For aspiration of better life, people migrate from one place to another place, which may be internal, regional and international migration in nature. Such trend has also been found in the case of Indian Punjab. People started to search an alternative route for migration because of the stringent migration rule adopted by the most of the country in the world. Illegally migrated people sometimes might be trapped into the case of human trafficking. As a result of it, transnational organised crimes are growing very fast. A vast number of cases of migration and human trafficking have been regarded with increasing concerns of human right violation, social and economic bleak and unlawful/undocumented node in this area. The study has discussed all the driving factors responsible for illegal migration of people and lager human trafficking. The study also understands a very need of adopting right based approach to curb the problem. The study covers all the v aspects of human trafficking and its intricate connection with migration. To make easy understanding on all the aspects of research issues, the study is divided into four sections. First section introduces the problem of unauthorized migration from Indian Punjab. Second part shows the interconnection among the issues intricate in the study. Third section testifies the ground realities in respect of theoretical aspects based on the theoretical foundations. Fourth part analyses the issues the issues and leads to conclusion and suggestions based on the brief discussion on the initiative taken at international, regional and national level to solve the problem.
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    MILITARY GEOGRAPHY AND TRANSFORMATIONAL TRAJECTORY OF THE PUNJAB (1849-1947): AN APPRAISAL
    (Central University of Punjab, 2018) Singh, Maninderjit; Singh, Kiran Kumari
    This study investigated how the making of modern Punjab, its political configurations, social relations, and economic lives were affected by military geography and shaped by ethos of militarism and militarization instituted by the British Indian Empire. Military geography of Punjab and its effects on the lives of the people and landscape was under researched in the history of Punjab’s human geography and even in urban studies and sociology of change. In such a context, the proposed study is a significant attempts to unravel the role of militarism, military activities and related developments in shaping the colonial times and spaces. Though it looks at the specific military history of Punjab in this connection, which in itself would be a significant contribution, at a larger level the work will emphasise on the colonial military history of British India and consequent transformations driven by military geography with a considered position that the whole Indian sub-continent did not follow a single and pre-determined historical trajectory in this regard. The original contribution of this work lies particularly in the arrangement and manifestation of cartographic presentations and historical accounts in context to military activities. It also gives a new background to the ways through which military geography can be defined. The definition has moved on just from ‘the effect of v geography on military activities and militarism’ to ‘the ways in which military activities are geographically constituted’ to the proclamation of ‘space and power’. This work is integrative and based on the appraisal of the background of conversion of Punjab into garrison state and the observation effect of military activities on the landscape. Those landscapes are selected, mapped, interpreted and contextualised for detailed study. It gives the expression of reality of the impact of military activities on social, economic and spatial sphere. While transformation of selected cantonment towns are examined in two chapters to decipher this phenomenon but the work retains military geography of Punjab in entire scene.