Department Of South And Central Asian Studies

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    Emerging Security Architecture in the Indo- Pacific Region: A Study from Indian Perspective
    (Central University of Punjab, 2020) Kumar, Shiv; Verma, Sudheer Singh
    The evolving Indo-Pacific Regional Security Architecture (IP-RSA) is the recent security phenomenon in the Asian continent. In fact, the Indo-Pacific region is a centre of the Asian security framework, primarily due to the changing power politics and the strategic tilt of major great powers from Trans-Atlantic to IndoPacific region. There are several geostrategic and geopolitical factors responsible behind the construction of the IP-RSA such as the US ‘Asia Pivot’ policy, China’s ‘String of Pearls’ policy and One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative. Similarly, nontraditional security components like, narco-terrorism, human-trafficking, sea piracy, climate change and international terrorism are also deciding factors behind the construction of the IP-RSA. The study has used the qualitative research methodology to interpret the evolving Indo-Pacific regional security phenomenon in the region. It used the analytical method to investigate the emerging new regional security dynamics in the region. The sub-structural interview technique has been used in the research to find out the deep investigations on new regional security phenomenon and its maritime security impacts on India. In this background, the study has used the existing paradigm such as Barry Buzan and Ole Weaver’s four theoretical levels of the theory of Regional Security Complex (RSC) to interpret the enhancing Indo-Pacific Regional Security Complex (IP-RSC) in the Indo-Pacific region. It has investigated such socio-cultural, economic, political and geostrategic components of the enhancing IP-RSA. Further, limitations of the enhancing IP-RSA like, religious and ethnic diversity; lack of grand economic mechanism; geographical location and absence of leading player are also scrutinized in the future perspective. However, the study has examined the Impacts of enhancing IP-RSA on India’s maritime security in the iv IOR. In this response, India has adopted the bottom-up approach to increase its regionalism process in the Indo-Pacific region. Further, the new geopolitical and geostrategic dynamics increased India’s maritime security concerns in the IndoPacific Maritime New Great Game (IP-MNGG). Consequently, New Delhi is responding new regional security phenomenon through strengthening its geopolitical and geostrategic position especially in the IOR. The major projects and initiatives in its foreign policy such as ‘Sagar Mala’ project, ‘Act East Policy’ SAGC, AAGC and modernisation of Indian navy are part of its wider strategy against the new maritime security threats in the IOR. Hence, the region is not remained a peaceful zone due to new power dynamics in the region. The study has come-up with possible recommendations and appropriate investigation that Indo-Pacific region is not India’s desired region, but it is an India’s necessity to secure its long-time maritime security interests in the wider sphere of Indo-Pacific region. It will decide India’s future destiny in the Asian continent. Therefore, the study concludes with the new possibilities and investigations about evolving IP-RSA and its impacts on India's maritime security in the greater IOR.
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    LOCATING RUSSIA IN THE EMERGING GEOPOLITICS OF CENTRAL ASIA: MAPPING INDIA’S OPTIONS
    (Central University of Punjab, 2019) Mubarik, Mudasir; Singh, Bawa
    Russia’s relationship with the Central Asian region has been established since the recorded history. The former had colonized the region and established its exclusive control for more than 200 years. India on the other hand, had been sharing long historical and civilizational bonds with the region as it has been falling on the old Silk Route. However, the collapse of the Soviet Union (1991) and the subsequent emergence of Central Asian countries as sovereign states led to a saga of drastic changes in the geopolitical milieu of the region. Russia had lost its superpower status, as it had been entrapped in political, economic and security conundrum. Consequently, Russia had altogether ignored the CARs and drifted towards the West and supranational institutions to restore its state machinery. Thus, the former had adopted a passive approach towards the latter in response to the Euro-Atlantic tilt that had drastically impacted the bilateral and regional engagements. On the other hand, India’s engagements with Russia and the Central Asia had undergone a paradigmatic shift. In this milieu, power vacuum was created in Eurasia that led to New Great Game in the region, which again obligated both Russia and India to engage with the Central Asian region given their multifaceted interests at stake. Given the geopolitical, geostrategic and geo-economic significance of the Central Asia as well as the power vacuum left by the Soviet retreat, enticed the major powers and regional actors towards this region. Indeed, the interests of the US, China, Turkey, Iran, India, and Pakistan, have been counterpoising with each other to enhance their respective influence. The battle for gaining their multifaceted interests has turned the region into a strategic fulcrum, wherein China has been increasingly strengthening its geopolitical, geostrategic and geo-economic leverages and thereby, challenging the US, Russia and India in the region. Unlike China, the US has been also consistently trying to restrict the multifaceted interests of Russia and rising influence of China. On the other hand, Russia has been considering the region as its backyard and an area of privileged interests. Furthermore, the regional countries like Iran, Turkey, and Pakistan have been playing their cards to enhance their respective footprints in the Central Asian region. To protect and promote their respective multifaceted interests, the regional actors have also been taking sides with the major stakeholders. In the changing geopolitical dynamics, the time-tested friends India and Russia, have realized their reciprocal interests to rejuvenate their ties both at bilateral and at regional levels. For India-Russia relationship, the regional developments present the compatibility of mutual interests, particularly in Central Asia. Simultaneously, Indian strategic maneuvering has been taken by other way around by Russia. It creates a v peculiar situation between India and Russia in the Central Asia. Moreover, the growing strategic proximity between Russia and China and in recent times with Pakistan has been poising a significant challenge for India in the region. In this background, the present study, therefore, examines changing relationship between Russia and CARs in the post-Cold War era. It also evaluates the multifaceted interests of the US, China, Iran, Turkey, Pakistan and India in the region and how Russia has been reciprocating their strategic maneuvers has also been examined. Moreover, given Russia’s leading geostrategic leverage in the CARs, it becomes more interesting to see, how IndiaRussia relationship has been going in general and in context of Central Asia in particular. Furthermore, the study examines about how Russia acts as a bridge between India and Central Asia. At last, it is difficult to say with certainty that either it is only lack of political willingness or geopolitics of the region which is responsible for the low level of engagements amongst Russia, Central Asia and India. At this juncture, it is argued that lack of regional connectivity is the major challenge of the low level of engagements. Moreover, the existing lack of political will as well as the rising geopolitics of the region could be held responsible for the same. In order to come out of this quagmire, the three regions needed to come together on one platform geopolitically, geo-economically and geo-strategically. The three might potentially turn the regional geopolitical conundrum in their favor, which may become one of the most gigantic economic zones by exploiting the untapped sea of opportunities. In this way, a new world order would be created that may be more suitable for promoting regional peace, harmony and development which has been a prerequisite for safeguarding their multifaceted geostrategic interest in the region.
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    Socio-Psychological Problems of Working Women in Service Sector: Field Study of Mansa and Sri Muktsar Sahib Districts of Punjab
    (Central University of Punjab, 2019) Kaur, Manpreet; Kaushiki, Nishtha
    The growth and progress of any society is not possible without the equal participation of women in familial, social and economic activities. In developing countries, like India, women are playing traditional roles and dependent upon their spouses for their economic necessity. By getting the higher education they are coming out and participating in the world of professions. Theyare participating in organized or service sectors. In the present research work, problems of working women in familial, social, psychological, and economical spheres have been identified through primary data collection. To identify their social-psychological problems in service sector, primary data have been collected from women, who are working in education, health and banking sectors. Data have been collected from working women from two districts Mansa and Sri Muktsar Sahib of Punjab, through the medium of well-structured interview schedule and questionnaire. Results of the primary work revealed that working women from these two districts are facing socio-psychological problems while balancing the dual (work and family) life. Their problems are the result of the dual expectations (one side by family and other side by office sphere) and dual responsibilities. At some point of their life, they faced a disturbed, stressful mental and physical status. Unmarried Working women are playing the role of financial supporter for their families.Working vi mothers are facing childcare issues. They felt bad for avoiding families for work and avoiding work assignment due to family responsibilities. By getting proper cooperation from family and colleagues working women can easily avoid the sociopsychological stresses.
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    POST 9/11 SINO-RUSSO ENTENTE: RESHAPING THE ASIAN SECURITY DYNAMICS AND CHALLENGES FOR INDIA
    (Central University of Punjab, 2019) Ramzan, Hilal; Kaushiki, Nishtha
    China and Russia belongs to the group of major players of the international system. The strategic convergence between the two countries occupies a considerable geopolitical weight. The Sino-Russian relations witnessed a dramatic change after the demise of the Soviet Union. The bilateral relations since then have witnessed a positive trend i.e., from being adversaries to strategic partners. To a large extent, both the countries seem to have overcome the problems that used to hamper their relations. Although, it was predicted that the Sino-Russo strategic partnership is full of challenges and is not going to last long, however, the two sides have been successful in sustaining their partnership so far in the 21st century. In fact, their strategic entente is becoming stronger day by day and the main reason behind this is that they are focussing more on converging interests. The U.S. factor plays a key role in the mounting Beijing-Moscow entente. The ‘Asia Pivot’ policy and the Ukraine crisis further boosted their bilateral relations. While responding to the U.S. hegemonic designs and unilateralism, both China and Russia found themselves on the same page. Therefore, the two sides have been countering Washington’s strategic designs both individually as well as jointly. Furthermore, the two powers have used the vacuum created by the U.S. involvement in the long-drawn Afghan and Iraq wars to enhance their strategic outreach. America’s relative decline has made their path of countering the U.S. hegemony easy. Both the sides in the current security scenario have been engaging the United States on two fronts i.e., Russia in Eastern Europe and the Middle East and China in the South China Sea. Initially, Pentagon was not taking any serious note of the China-Russia strategic partnership, however, since the past few years it has started to view the rising Moscow-Beijing strategic proximity with grave concern. In fact, the Trump administration in its recently published security strategies has vowed to take serious note of the Sino-Russian strategic designs which are undermining the U.S primacy in the world. All these developments are changing the security scenario of Asia, thereby resulting in the emergence of great-power competition. India being situated in such a geopolitical position can no longer remain aloof from these developments. The changing security dynamics has unfolded a plethora of challenges for India. While responding to these developments, India in one or the other way is showing its tilt towards the United States and its allies and strategic partners in the subcontinent. iv It is perhaps in this backdrop that Russia has made revisions in its Pakistan policy by showing positive overtures towards the latter. Furthermore, India seems to be losing its time-tested friend Russia to its arch-rival China in the changing geopolitical realities as Moscow-Beijing partnership has become much more than the ‘axis of convenience’. In fact, it has become difficult for New Delhi to balance its relations between Russia and the United States. Although, New Delhi has been successful so far in walking the tight rope quite well, however, it is becoming more challenging for it to maintain its strategic autonomy. While looking at the developments these challenges are going to become more intense for India in the years to come. Keeping these developments in view, this work analysed the strategic proximity between Beijing and Moscow with special focus on its current status. Secondly, the U.S. factor in the mounting Sino-Russian strategic embrace, and how this partnership is undermining the U.S. predominance in Asia, has been analysed. Finally, the challenges that this emerging great-power rivalry has unfolded for India and its response to the changing geo-political realities have been analysed.
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    Indo-US Convergence of Agenda in the new Indo-Pacific Regional Security Architecture
    (Sage Publications India Pvt. Ltd, 2020) Kumar, S; Verma, S.S; Shah, S.H.
    Strengthened Indo-US proximity has become a notable factor in the regional security architecture of the Indo-Pacific region, and also it raises ongoing concerns about its robustness. This article analyses the geostrategic, geoeconomic, security-related and defence-connected Indo-US relations in the region over the last two decades, highlighting the growing multidimensional convergence of US and Indian interests in the Indo-Pacific regional security architecture. In the final part, this article also sketches the future implications of Indo-US proximity and seeks to identify potential risks. -2020 SAGE Publications.
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    Public transport and urban mobility: Perception of people on services of public transport in Bathinda city, Punjab, India
    (ISCA, 2014) Kumar, Gaurav; Kaur Amandeep; Singh, Kiran K.
    Public transport as an essential part of the socio-economic and political structure of the country plays a vital role in development of modern society. Urbanization is one of the challenges in a developing country that needs planning and provisioning of adequate transport system and facilities. The availability of good road networks and affordable small private vehiclesmotivateurban and sub-urban dwellers to the use of private vehicles. Therefore, inclination of people towards the private vehicle (two and four wheelers) has been greater as compare to public transport (buses and three wheeler). Due to rapid growth in the private vehicle in the city the role of public transport in the urban mobility of people has become crucial to understand. Thus, this study is an attempt to evaluate public transport and urban mobility in Bathinda andpeople perception about quality of public transport. Apart from this the urban travel attitude and behavior of people in making choice of public transport as their means of transportation has also been studied and discussed.
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    1951 Refugee Convention and its Protocol: Imperatives to Indian Perspective.
    (IMPACT, 2018) Noushadali, K; Kaushiki, Nishtha
    Being not a signatory to the notable International legal provisions passed for the betterment of refugees such as the United Nations Convention (1951) and protocol (1967), the Indian approach towards the refugees is worthy to do researches. It is for this reason that India responds sympathetically towards its refugee population following the principles of humanitarian considerations. Further, it is interesting to see that the Indian constitution is assuring some definite fundamental freedom to all without discriminating citizens and non-citizens. In order to preserve the fundamental freedoms of the foreigners and of course refugees (non-citizens), the Indian government had given them judicial backup too. This paper is an attempt to look at the importance of the International refugee conventions for the holistic betterment of the global refugee population. Further, the paper outlines the Indian perspectives on the global refugee laws and conventions. It also emphasizes that the Indian constitution and judiciary plays an important role in accommodating refugees, in relation to its political others, as well as ethnic affinities.
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    Characterising the Culture of the Mughal Era Chronicles of a Munshi:Review of Rajeev Kinra, Writing Self, Writing Empire: Chandar Bhan Brahman and the Cultural World of the Indo-Persian State Secretary, Delhi: Primus Books (by arrangement with University of California Press, Berkeley)
    (Sameeksha Trust, 2018) Rathee, Vikas
    Writing Self, Writing Empire by Rajeev Kinra is a biography of Chandar Bhan Brahman, a 17th-century Mughal munshi. (He died in the 1660s, Brahman was his caste and also his takhallus or pen name.) Simultaneously, Writing Self, Writing Empire is also a history of the political and administrative culture of the Mughal empire during Shah Jahan’s reign (1627–58), and a contribution to the literary history of Persian in India. The book is part of a larger trend of writing Mughal and medieval Indo–Islamic history (also referred to as “early modern”) that has focused largely on cultural history of the Indo–Islamic milieu and shown how this was a “cosmopolitan” venture comparable to other similar “early modern” polities in West Asia and Europe (Breckenbridge et al 2002; Lefèvre et al 2015). Theoretically, “cosmopolitan-ism” has been expounded by academic figures based in the West such as Kwame Anthony Appiah. Appiah sees cosmopolitan-ism as “a rejection of the conventional view that every civilized person belonged to a community among communities,” and as “regard[ing] all the peoples of the earth as so many branches of a single family, and the universe as a state” (Appiah2006).1 However, cosmopolitan-ism does not convincingly explain why a humanbeing should feel belonging towards all of humanity more than towards any other community. In fact, is it possible to transcend cultural moorings and become “universal,” and would not any such transcendence not inaugurate yet another cultural formation that would with time become “particular”? The history of all ideologies, for example, Christianity,Islam, Marxism, Democracy or AryaSamaj, suggests so.
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    The Post-Cold War Global Politics: A Study of India's Role in Nonaligned Movement
    (Central University of Punjab, 2018) Kumar, Manish; Verma, Sudheer Singh
    The post-Second World War confrontational bipolarity enforced infant decolonised nations to adopt the policy of nonalignment to preserve their hard won sovereignty. India as pioneer nation introduced the notion of nonalignment and contributed to the development of Nonaligned Movement through prolonged collective deliberations with Asian and African countries for global peace and equitable global order. Using Nonaligned Movement's platform, India significantly gained her security, national development, and world order interests but loses some strategic interests during the war with China in 1962. However, being non-aligned, India has constructed enough capacity to cope further security challenges through building strategic alliances with suitable powers. India being a frequent participant country in periodical summits of Nonaligned Movement has committed to its principles and objectives. The end of the Cold War had posed several questions over its enduring existence in the global politics. The post-Cold War unipolarity has made Nonaligned Movement increasingly "responder" rather 'demander'. India's increased economic, military and political weight in global politics in the 21st century, realised New Delhi to calculate the potentials of Nonaligned Movement in accordance with its aspiration of great power status. In this context, by all reckoning, India is likely to be crediting the third world solidarity, nonetheless passionate for multialignment with major powers to gain its commensurate office in global governance.